The Rise of German Pietism in the 17th Century

(This essay was written for History 285.6, University of Saskatchewan, 1 December 1998 )

After the Reformation, when it became clear that accommodation between Reformed, Lutheran, and Roman Catholic was not going to happen, the energies of the various church leaderships were devoted to clearly defining, expounding and defending each denominations’ distinctive church dogma.  By the seventeenth century, within the Lutheran context, so much emphasis was put on the necessary acceptance of church dogma that it seemed, to the laity, that trusting in Jesus Christ and accepting church dogma was all that was necessary for salvation.  One’s behaviour was irrelevant, it seemed, because any reliance on good works was considered a false faith.  However, the result was that the Christianity of people was not reflected in their lives.  They felt no responsibility to live pious, godly lives.  Pietism arose as a response to this situation to try to bring reform to Lutheranism by once again making Christianity a religion of the heart which resulted in pious godly behaviour.

Pietism was a seventeenth century renewal movement which began in what is now Germany.  With individual faith, its main characteristics were, first, “a radical religious renewal of the individual which must become apparent in his daily practice.”[1] This renewal, sometimes referred to as a new birth, normally consisted of the individual becoming aware of sin, acknowledge their own sin and repent of that sin, accepting Jesus Christ as one’s own Saviour and committing to him as one’s own Lord.[2] This new birth resulted in a new life for the individual in which they rejected all that was not of God and, through the power of the Holy Spirit, lived their lives solely to glorify God and work for the good of their neighbour.[3] Second, Pietists placed an increased emphasis on the Bible for God could work through the Bible to fan the spark of faith within an individual and, also, to sustain an individual in his or her new life in Christ.  Third, individuals living their new life in Christ were supported and sustained by other renewed individuals,[4] usually in conventicles, which are much like the small group bible studies of the twentieth century.  Fourth, because of their rejection of all that is ungodly, Pietists often viewed themselves as distinct from the world and, also, other church members whose attitudes and actions were seen as “worldly.”[5] It should be noted that Pietism cannot be defined in terms of a distinct theology or church structure.[6] Though there were later separatist elements within Pietism, its original intent was not separatist at all, but to transform the existing church from within.[7]

After the Colloquy of Marburg in 1529, when the Reformed and Lutheran Protestants were unable to unite,[8] and after the Colloquy of Ratisbon in 1541, when Roman Catholics and Lutherans were unable to reconcile,[9] the energies of the various denominations in Christendom were directed toward defining, disseminating and defending their own church dogma.  There were additional reasons for this effort within Lutheranism, for after Martin Luther’s death in 1546 there was much division among his followers.  There was division among political boundaries, for the Holy Roman Empire was not a united state, but a loose federation of about 300 kingdoms, principalities and free cities.  Because Lutheranism relied on the local prince or town council to provide its structure, there came to be many Lutheran churches, instead of only one.  However, there was also division regarding doctrinal issues, such as the relationship of good works to salvation and what was essential and what was unessential.[10] The adoption of the Formula of Concord in 1577 by 8,000 to 9,000 clergy, thirty-five cities and fifty-one princes helped to calm the theological differences.  The Book of Concord (1580), which contained the Formula of Concord, the Augsburg Confession and other creeds, became the theological foundation of Lutheranism.[11]

The establishment of a theological foundation for Lutheranism marked the beginning of Lutheran Orthodoxy, which lasted into the first quarter of the eighteenth century.  Orthodoxy became the dominant force within Lutheranism as it strove to continue the polemic battle with the Roman Catholic and Reformed theologians and to develop a system of church dogma for Lutheranism.  It was a theologically based movement that required strict adherence to the Lutheran confessions.  In theory, it held that theology and piety were equal,[12] but often the message preached from the pulpit, and the impression that the laity had, was absent of any emphasis on piety.  The main characteristics of Orthodoxy were Scholasticism, the imposition of intellectualism on Christianity, and the perception of an inadequate emphasis on ethics.  Scholasticism was the use of Aristotelian philosophy to categorise and systematise Church doctrine.  Based on the assumption of true doctrine based on inerrant scriptures, Scholasticism, together with a burning desire to defend the truth, necessarily resulted in conflict and controversy, with aggressive attacks from both the pulpit and the press.  The intellectualism in Christianity resulted in pastors rarely emphasising introspection.  Consequently, the laity assumed that salvation consisted of receiving the Word and Sacrament and adhering to the Lutheran Confessions.  The perceived weakness on ethical issues was due to theologians reluctance to place any emphasis at all on good works in fear that it may be misinterpreted by the laity as an aid to salvation instead of a result of salvation.  Contributing factors were the lack of courses on ethics during theological training, the supervision of many churches by morally unfit princes, and the coarsening of human life caused by the Thirty Years War.[13] As K. James Stein puts it,

In the interests of codifying the faith for its own adherents and defending them from the ravages of competitive theologies and philosophies, it [Orthodoxy] led unintentionally to a petrification of doctrine and an insensitive lack of touch with the emotional and ethical needs of many of its people.[14]

The inadequacy of Orthodoxy invited reaction and the first of these was a mystical reaction.  Men such as Stephan Praetorius (1536-1603), Valentine Weigel (1533-1588), Jakob Böhme (1575-1624), Johann Arndt (1555-1621), and Christian Hoburg (1607-1675) all emphasised a life changing appropriation of the divine which resulted in obedience to God.  They ranked the importance of this personal experience above church life or confessional purity.  In spite of this, they usually stayed within the Lutheran church, but they were often critical of contemporary church life, as well as the surrounding society.[15]

There was a also a theological reaction, such as that led by George Calixt (1586-1656).  He challenged the authority of the Lutheran Confessions by proposing that the consensus of the first five centuries of Christianity be the foundation of Christian theology.  He argued that the individual has the responsibility of co-operating with God in his or her own salvation.  This went against the doctrine of salvation by faith alone.  Finally, Calixt was involved in many ecumenical activities which contravened Orthodox confessionalism.  Though there was an unsuccessful attempt to force Calixt out of the Lutheran church and he was able to gain many supporters among some of the universities and nobility in the Holy Roman Empire.[16]

There were also calls for reform within Orthodoxy from princes such as Duke August the Younger of Braunschweig-Lüneberg (1597-1666), Georg II, Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt (1605-1661), and Duke Ernst I, “the Pious,” of Saxe-Gotha (1601-1675), and from professors such as Balthasar Meisner (1587-1626), professor of theology at Wittenberg, Johann Valentin Andreae (1586-1654) of Tübingen University, and Johann Matthäus Meyfart (1590-1642), professor at Erfurt University.[17] Universities such as Rostock and Strassburg became centres that emphasised piety and called for reform of the church.  Even church hymns began to change from being corporate and confessional in nature to being personal and devotional in nature, such as those written by Paul Gerhardt (1607-1676).[18] However, in spite of the undercurrents of reform, Orthodoxy still dominated the context in which Pietism developed.

Pietism as a movement had its beginnings with Philipp Jakob Spener who was born on January 13, 1635 in Rappoltsweiler, a village in upper Alsace, northwest of what is present day Colmar, France.  He was raised by his devout Christian and pious parents, and influenced by his devout Christian godmother, Countess Rappoltstein (1585-1648) and the court preacher, and later brother-in-law, Joachim Stoll (1615-1678).  Spener was also profoundly influenced by devotional literature such as Lewis Bayly’s Practice of Piety, Emmanuel Sonthomb’s Golden Jewel, Know Yourself by Daniel Dycke, and Johann Arndt’s True Christianity.  Spener was tutored at home for grammar school due to a lack of Lutheran schools in the area.[19] He entered the University of Strassburg in 1651, completed a master’s degree in 1653[20] and his theological studies degree in 1659.[21] As was the custom in those days, he followed his university education with a period of student travel and study.  He travelled to Basel to study under the famed Hebraist Johann Buxfort II (1599-1664) from October 1659 to the summer of 1660.  At this stage of his career, Buxfort was encouraging Biblical interpretation without the presupposition of dogma.[22] Spener went next to Geneva, where he listened to the preaching of Jean de Labadie (1610-1674) a colourful French Reformed preacher, and former Roman Catholic, who called the people “to true belief and holy living.”[23] After a month long stop in Lyon, he returned home to Rappoltsweiler in May 1661.  He taught at Strassburg University during the winters of 1661-62 and 1662-63 and visited Stuttgart and Tübingen during the summer and fall interval of 1662.  In March of 1663 he accepted the position of “free preacher” in Strassburg.  He was a roving preacher with no pastoral care duties.[24] In August of that year, Spener entered the doctoral program at the University of Strassburg and received his doctorate on the afternoon of June 23, 1664.  The morning of that same day, he married Suzanne Ehrhardt (b.1644) who was to be his wife of forty years and, with whom, he would have eleven children.[25]

In February 1666, Spener received an unexpected call to be the senior pastor at Frankfurt-am-Main, a thriving commercial and publishing centre that was also an imperial free city.  Spener’s main duties in Frankfurt were preaching and supervision of the eleven Lutheran clergy.[26] Because he wanted the people to hear more of the Bible, he departed from the one year Lutheran lectionary and the requirement to preach only on the Gospel, and began preaching on Paul’s Epistles.[27] Spener also worked hard to further the development of a strong catechetical program.  He wanted pious living to be the goal of doctrinal teaching and he hoped to turn head knowledge into heart knowledge.[28] After encountering the ritual of confirmation in a nearby congregation, Spener became a great promoter of this rite.  During the ceremony, the confirmand would make a public profession of the vows that were made on his or her behalf at their infant baptism.  Spener also expected the confirmand to vow to live a Christian life.  Wherever confimation was not practiced, Spener sought to introduce it.  Where it existed, he sought to give it additional practical and pious meaning.  Because of Spener’s efforts, the rite of confirmation eventually spread throughout Lutheranism.[29]

In August of 1670, perhaps in response to Spener’s sermons, a small group of devout men approached Spener and asked if he would set up a small group meeting where like minded people could gather and share godly conversation.  The group, which became known as collegia pietatis (pious groups) began meeting twice a week in Spener’s home under his supervision.  They would begin with prayer, introduce a sermon summary, devotional reading, or Scriptural passage as the basis for discussion and then close with a hymn.  Though there were precedents for small group meetings within Lutheranism, these conventicles became a trademark of the Pietist movement.[30] The size of the first conventicle grew and eventually problems arose because of it.  There was suspicion amongst non-participants as to what took place at the meetings,  and the conventicles did not achieve all that Spener hoped that they would do.  Also, in some instances, the conventicles could breed a separatist tendency which could lead to a split in a congregation such as happened in Frankfurt in 1682.  Perhaps, because of this, Spener himself did not start any new conventicles after leaving Frankfurt.[31]

While in Frankfurt, Spener was asked to write an introduction to a collection of Johann Arndt’s sermons.  The result, in 1675, was Pia desideria[32] which made six proposals for reform.  First, there should be a greater emphasis and use of the Bible, including institute small group Bible studies.[33] Second, the priesthood of all believers should be implemented and practiced.[34] Third, the people must understand that knowledge of Christian doctrine is not enough, for Christianity consists of practice.[35] Fourth, unbelievers and heretics should be prayed for, corrected with loving admonition and led back to Christianity by living a godly example of the Christian life.  This approach should be used instead of disputation, polemics and virulent personal attacks.[36] Fifth, universities and schools, as the training centres for the church, should encourage godly, instead of worldly, living amongst their students.[37] Sixth, sermons should be written with the goal of instilling faith and its fruits in the listener to the greatest possible degree.[38] There was an overwhelmingly positive response to Spener’s Pia desideria,[39] and its publication marked the beginning of the Pietist movement.

In addition to the positive response to the beginnings of Pietism, there was also strong opposition.  Orthodoxy would not accept the dissatisfaction of Pietism with Lutheran Orthodoxy and the status quo or the possibility of separation, disorder, or diminished pastoral authority.  Some Pietist pastors were forced out of their parishes and, in 1679, a pamphlet war erupted between the Pietist and Orthodox Lutherans.[40] Spener was investigated in 1677 and censured the next year.  As mentioned above, a separation from the Frankfurt congregation occurred in 1682.  In the spring of 1686, Spener accepted a call to become the preacher at the court of Saxon Elector Johann Georg III at Dresden.[41]

Shortly after Spener’s arrival at Dresden in the summer of 1686, and unknown to him, a group of students at nearby Leipzig University, led by August Hermann Francke (1663-1727) and Paul Anton (1661-1730) formed a conventicle.  Franke’s father was court counsellor to Duke Ernst the Pious and  Francke had been raised by pious parents in a pious city.[42] He received his master’s degree from Leipzig University in 1685, and then began lecturing there. In 1687, he went to Lüneburg for further study.  While there, he underwent a conversion experience and received the complete faith in God that he had been praying for.[43] He left Lüneburg during Lent of 1688 to go to Hamburg, where he gained experience working with poor and orphaned children.  He returned to Leipzig in December of 1688.[44] At Spener’s invitation, he spent the first two months of 1689 in the Spener home before returning to Leipzig to begin lecturing on the Bible.  At the university, Francke attacked academic disputations, criticized the lack of biblical content in the university’s theological studies program, criticized the flowery and empty language of contemporary homiletic practice, advised students to take Bible courses instead of philosophy courses, and used often used the vernacular German instead of the standard academic Latin in his lectures.  In response to Francke’s activities, there was increased attendance at Bible lectures and a number of students committed to the Christian lifestyle.[45] The theological faculty reacted by condemning those who de-emphasised the articles of faith and oratorical preaching style, and emphasized only piety and they also complained to the elector.  The faculty commission examined Francke and Anton and terminated their lectures in late 1689.  On March 10, 1690, the Saxon government forbade conventicles.  Spener tried to lobby in favour of the young pietists, but he was ignored.[46]

In late 1689, Francke’s uncle died, and he left Leipzig to go home for a while.  He accepted a call into the pastoral ministry at Erfurt and was ordained on June 2, 1690.  The senior pastor at Erfurt, Joachim Justus Breithaupt (1658-1732), put Francke in charge of catechetical instruction and soon his classes were overwhelmed with students.  Other pastors, competing for students in their private catechetical classes, were upset and charges of trouble making soon followed.  Francke was charged with distributing heretical literature, but this charge was later rescinded.  (He was in the practice of handing out New Testaments and Johann Arndt’s True Christianity.)  However, when Roman Catholics began requesting transfers to the Lutheran Church, he came under fire from both Lutheran and Roman Catholic authorities.  He was given forty-eight hours to leave the city and he did so on September 27, 1691.[47]

Meanwhile, Spener, because of his criticism of the Saxon elector’s less than saintly lifestyle, had fallen into disfavour in the court.  Elector Johann Georg III found him a new position as inspector of the country churches around Berlin and Spener left Dresden in June 1691.[48] The situation in Berlin, the capital of Brandenburg-Prussia, was very different than that in Dresden.  The elector, Friedrich III, was a Calvinist, not a Lutheran as Johann Georg III had been, and, as a result, was much more tolerant that the Orthodox Lutheran clergy and nobility would have liked.  Spener was very influential at the elector’s court for he was well liked by Friedrich and had strong sympathizers among the leading men in government.  One of these sympathizers, Baron Carl Hildebrand von Canstein (1667-1719), became an important ally for the Pietist cause in Branden-Prussia.[49] Spener’s influence at court enabled him to further the cause of Pietism and win supporter in all three social classes.[50] Pietism had spread, by 1690, throughout Lutheranism, especially in Northern Germany.  However, authorities began to clamp down on “this dreaded new and dangerous movement,”[51] and by 1691, Pietists were embattled throughout Germany.  Through Spener’s influence, Friedrich offered the Pietists asylum in Brandenburg-Prussia.[52]

On June 24, 1691, Elector Friedrich decreed that there would be a new university in nearby Halle.  Christian Thomasius (1655-1728), a former professor of law at Leipzig who had supported Francke and Anton in 1689-90, was appointed professor of law at Halle.  Spener used his influence to get Joachim Breithaupt appointed as the first professor of theology.  Breithaupt, as a professor and the senior pastor in Erfurt, had supported Francke during his time as a pastor there.[53] In December of 1691, Francke himself was called to Halle as professor of Greek and Oriental languages and, also, pastor of St. George’s Church in nearby Glaucha.  He would remain at Halle until his death in 1727.[54] Instruction at Halle was biblically based with a parallel emphasis on a pious and missional lifestyle.[55] It would become known around the world as a centre for Pietism as many students from all over the world flocked to Halle[56] and, after their training there, spread throughout Germany and the world and took their Pietist enthusiasm and dedication with them.[57]

It was also at Halle that Francke began developing the Stiftungen (institutions) that became so identified with Pietism.  He had been giving bread to the poor and it occurred to him that he should be giving them the bread of life as well.  In July 1694, just a month after getting married, he began inviting the poor into his home and giving catechetical instruction to young and old.[58] In 1695, he used a large donation in the poor box to start a school for poor children.[59] He started an orphanage in 1696 and, later, a hospital, a bookstore, a home for widows, a library, a bakery, a brewery, and an art museum.[60] With the aid of Baron von Canstein, a print shop for printing Bibles was started in 1697.  Later, in October 1710, a Bible Institute, the world’s first Bible Society, was created.  By 1719, the Bible Institute had published 80,000 Bibles and 100,000 New Testaments.  By 1800, the Bible Institute at Halle had published 2,770,282 Bibles and sections of the Bible.[61]

Francke not only developed Pietist institutions that helped meet the social needs of the people of the time, he also had a missionary spirit.  He had a relationship with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) as early as 1698.  When King George I of England requested a new court preacher, Francke hand picked Anton Wilhelm Boehm for the position.  Boehm soon became a prominent member of the SPCK and, soon, Francke was corresponding with other members of the SPCK throughout the world, including the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Tenison, and the famous Puritan preacher of America, Cotton Maher.  Francke was asked to send educators to England to develop a school based on the Halle model.[62] When the Danish wanted to send missionaries to their trading post in Tranquebar, India, they turned to Halle, who sent two, at first, and, later, eight more.  Halle also sent the money, medicine, books and equipment necessary to establish many of the same institutions that were developed at Halle.  Swedish soldiers carried devotional booklets written by Francke and printed at Halle.  When Francke learned of an awakening among the Swedish, he sent booklets, money and medicine to them in response.[63]

Spener died in 1705 and Francke in 1727, but the Pietist movement did not die with them.  Leaders such as Count Nicholas Ludwig von Zinzendorf and the Moravian Brethren at Herrnhut,[64] John Wesley and the Methodists[65] and, later, Han Nielsen Hauge among the Lutherans in Norway[66] continued to spread the influence of Pietism.  Wherever it spread it was marked by certain specific characteristics.  First, it represented a clear change in direction toward an introspective, emotional and enthusiastic form of Christianity, and reacted against Orthodoxy’s emphasis on scholastic disputation and dogma.  Second, it placed an emphasis on a more practical Christianity that resulted in godly behaviour, philanthropic behaviour and missionary zeal.  Third, it emphasized the priesthood of all believers and the participation of both laity and clergy in religious life, thus closing the gap between the two groups.[67]

Pietism developed as a movement of spiritual renewal.  The Orthodoxy of the time did not fan the spark of faith within individuals.  It demanded intellectual assent, yet neglected to reach people on an emotional level.  Its reluctance to support good works in any way led to de-emphasis on ethical and moral behaviour.  This, in turn, resulted in lax morality among the laity.  Spener responded to the situation by writing Pia desideria.  However, his motivation, and the reason for the birth of Pietism, was his concern over the spiritual welfare of the people.  Pietism was not a social movement or a nationalist movement.  It was first, and foremost, a spiritual movement.  As Spener himself says,

Our whole Christian religion consists of the inner man or the new man, whose soul is faith and whose expressions are the fruits of life, and all sermons should be aimed at this.  On the one hand, the precious benefactions of God, which are directed toward this inner man, should be presented in such a way that faith, and hence the inner man, may ever be strengthened more and more.  On the other hand, works should be so set in motion that we may by no means be content merely to have the people refrain from outward vices and practice outward virtues and thus be concerned only with the outward man, which the ethics of the heathen can also accomplish, but that we lay the right foundation in the heart, show that what does not proceed from this foundation is mere hypocrisy, and hence accustom the people first to work on what is inward (awaken love of God and neighbor through suitable means) and only then to act accordingly.[68]

The concern for one’s neighbour and godly lifestyle that Spener hoped to see was not the desired goal, but an expected result of the desired goal.  The desired goal was the individual’s personal salvation.  “Good works are not the cause of salvation,”[69] nor are they necessary for salvation.  Good works are a result of the gratitude that one feels for one’s own salvation by grace.  Good works are a necessary result of salvation.[70] As Spener writes,

How many there are who live such a manifestly unchristian life that they themselves cannot deny that the law is broken at every point, who have no intention of mending their ways in the future, and yet who pretend to be firmly convinced that they will be saved in spite of all this!  If one asks on what they base their expectation one will discover, as they themselves confess, that they are sure of this because it is of course not possible to be saved on account of one’s life, but that they believe in Christ and put all their trust in him, that this cannot fail, and that they will surely be saved by such faith.  Accordingly they have a fleshly illusion of faith (for godly faith does not exist without the Holy Spirit, nor can such faith continue when deliberate sins prevail) in place of the faith that saves.  This is a delusion of the devil, as terrible as any error ever has been or can be, to ascribe salvation to such a fancy of secure man.[71]

As Christianity struggles to be relevant in a changing world and, also, faithful to God, perhaps something could be learned from a look at the history of Pietism.  After all, concern over people’s spiritual salvation should be Christianity’s first and foremost priority.

Bibliography

Aarflot, Andreas.  Hans Nielsen Hauge.  Minneapolis:  Augsburg, 1979.

Chadwick, Owen.  The Reformation.  London:  Penguin, 1972.

Fulbrook, Mary. Piety and Politics:  Religions and the Rise of Absolutism in England, Württemberg and Prussia.  Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1983.

González, Justo L.  The Story of Christianity:  Volume 2 The Reformation to the Present Day. New York:  Harper Collins, 1885.

Mezezers, Valdis.  The Herrnhuterian Pietism in the Baltic:  and Its Outreach into America and Elsewhere in the World.  North Quincy, Mass.:  Christopher Publishing House, 1975.

Pinson, Koppel S.  Pietism as a Factor in the Rise of German Nationalism.  New York:  Columbia University Press, 1934.

Sattler, Gary R.  God’s Glory, Neighbor’s Good:  A Brief Introduction to the Life and Writings of August Hermann Francke.  Chicago:  Covenant Press, 1982.

Spener, Philipp Jakob.  Pia Desideria.  Translated by Theodore G. Tappert.  Philadelphia:  Fortress Press, 1964.

Stein, K. James.  Philipp Jakob Spener:  Pietist Patriarch.  Chicago:  Covenant Press, 1986.

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[1] F. E. Stoeffler, “Pietism:  Its Message, Early Manifestations, and Significance,” The Covenant Quarterly, February/May, 1976, p. 10, cited in Gary R. Sattler, God’s Glory, Neighbor’s Good:  A Brief Introduction to the Life and Writings of August Hermann Francke, (Chicago:  Covenant Press, 1982),  p. 14.

[2] Sattler, p. 104.

[3] Sattler, p. 101.

[4] Stoeffler, cited in Sattler, p. 14.

[5] Stoeffler, cited in Sattler, p. 14.

[6] Mary Fulbrook, Piety and Politics:  Religions and the Rise of Absolutism in England, Württemberg and Prussia, (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 29-30.

[7] Fulbrook, p. 35.

[8] Justo L. González, The Story of Christianity:  Volume 2 The Reformation to the Present Day, (New York:  Harper Collins, 1885), p. 52.

[9] Owen Chadwick, The Reformation, (London:  Penguin, 1972), pp. 268-269.

[10] K. James Stein, Philipp Jakob Spener:  Pietist Patriarch, (Chicago:  Covenant Press, 1986), p. 19.

[11] Stein, p. 20.

[12] Stein, p. 20.

[13] Stein, pp. 20-22. (cf. Koppel S. Pinson, Pietism as a Factor in the Rise of German Nationalism, (New York:  Columbia University Press, 1934) pp. 38-41.)

[14] Stein, p. 22.

[15] Stein, p. 23.

[16] Stein, pp. 24-25.

[17] Stein, pp. 25-26.

[18] Stein, pp. 26-28.

[19] Stein, pp. 35-36.

[20] Stein, p. 47.

[21] Stein, p. 55.

[22] Stein, p. 57

[23] Stien, p. 58.

[24] Stein, p. 61-64.

[25] Stein, pp. 65-71.

[26] Stein, pp. 73-77.

[27] Stein, p. 78.

[28] Stein, pp. 80-83.

[29] Stein, pp. 84-85.

[30] Stein, pp. 85-86.

[31] Stein, pp. 88-93.

[32] Stein, pp. 93-94.

[33] Philipp Jakob Spener, Pia Desideria, translated by Theodore G. Tappert, (Philadelphia:  Fortress Press, 1964), pp. 87-91.

[34] Spener, pp. 92-95.

[35] Spener, pp. 95-96.

[36] Spener, p. 97.

[37] Spener, p. 103.

[38] Spener, pp. 115-117.

[39] Stein, p. 102.

[40] Stein, p. 103.

[41] Stein, pp. 104-107.

[42] Sattler, pp. 19-20.

[43] Sattler, pp. 24-29.

[44] Sattler, p. 34.

[45] Stein, pp. 114-117.

[46] Stein, pp. 117-120.

[47] Sattler, pp. 36-37.

[48] Stein, pp. 124-125.

[49] Stein, pp. 127-129.

[50] Stein, p. 130.

[51] Sattler, p. 35.

[52] Stein, p. 130.

[53] Stein, p. 130.

[54] Sattler, p. 38-39, and Stein, p. 130.

[55] Stein, p. 131.

[56] Sattler, p. 76.

[57] Sattler, p. 69.

[58] Sattler, p. 47.

[59] Sattler, p. 50, and Stein, p. 131.

[60] Stein, p. 131.

[61] Sattler, pp. 84-88.

[62] Sattler, pp. 78-79.

[63] Sattler, pp. 77-78. (cf. Stein, p. 132.)

[64]Valdis Mezezers, The Herrnhuterian Pietism in the Baltic:  and Its Outreach into America and Elsewhere in the World, (North Quincy, Mass.:  Christopher Publishing House, 1975), pp. 69-73, 101-108.

[65] González, pp. 209-216.

[66] Andreas Aarflot, Hans Nielsen Hauge, (Minneapolis:  Augsburg, 1979).

[67] Pinson, p. 14.

[68] Spener, pp. 116-117.

[69] Stein, p. 174.

[70] Stein, p. 174.

[71] Spener, p. 64.